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SDG 5.1.1 Whether or not legal frameworks are in place to promote, enforce and monitor equality and non‑discrimination on the basis of sex is reported on in a questionnaire by UN Women, the World Bank Group and the OECD Development Centre.
The SDG indicators metadata repository provides the following definition in the SDG 5.1.1 metadata document:
Indicator 5.1.1 measures government efforts to put in place legal frameworks that promote, enforce and monitor gender equality.
The indicator is based on an assessment of legal frameworks that promote, enforce and monitor gender equality. The assessment is carried out by national counterparts, including National Statistical Offices (NSOs) and/or National Women’s Machinery (NWMs), and legal practitioners/researchers on gender equality, using a questionnaire comprising 42 yes/no questions under four areas of law: (i) overarching legal frameworks and public life; (ii) violence against women; (iii) employment and economic benefits; and (iv) marriage and family. The areas of law and questions are drawn from the international legal and policy framework on gender equality, in particular the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), which has 189 States parties, and the Beijing Platform for Action. As such, no new internationally agreed standard on equality and non-discrimination on the basis of sex was needed. The primary sources of information relevant for indicator 5.1.1 are legislation and policy/action plans.
SDG 5.1.1 Whether or not legal frameworks are in place to promote, enforce and monitor equality and non‑discrimination on the basis of sex is reported on in a questionnaire by UN Women, the World Bank Group and the OECD Development Centre in their joint effort to collect and track data relating to SDG 5.1.1. The three organisations are committed to contributing valuable evidence and data to this global monitoring process and to supporting all countries to achieve SDG Goal 5 - Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls by 2030.
As part of this joint initiative, the three organisations embarked on a data collection effort, working with national government ministries, national statistical offices as well as experts on gender equality and law. The data collected through this process will be used to monitor progress under SDG 5.1.1 and support efforts to achieve a crucial goal within the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development: SDG 5. Ireland's response was completed by the Department of Health and the Department of Justice and Equality. The data will be reported every two years. Some of this information will also be published as part of the World Bank's Women Business and the Law initiative, and the OECD Development Center's Social Institutions and Gender Index.
The questionnaire covers legal frameworks to promote, enforce and monitor gender equality and non-discrimination in the following four areas:
Area 1. Overarching Legal Frameworks and Public Life
Area 2. Violence Against Women
Area 3. Employment and Economic Benefits
Area 4. Marriage and Family
Questions under this section are aimed at collecting information on legal frameworks that address the issue of discrimination against women. These include questions on constitutions, political and public life, and citizenship, among others.
Question 1: If customary law is a valid source of law under the constitution, is it invalid if it violates constitutional provisions on equality or non-discrimination?
'Customary law' is the legal system practiced in particular communities based on traditions. Customary law may be codified or uncodified and may cover areas such as family, land, inheritance and others.
Is customary law recognized as a valid source of law under the constitution?
Answer: No.
Legal Basis: Constitution of Ireland.
Question 2: If personal law is a valid source of law under the constitution, is it invalid if it violates constitutional provisions on equality or non-discrimination?
'Personal law' includes law derived from religious belief and systematized into rules and regulations governing areas such as personal status, criminal law and commercial law. Examples include Canon Law, Halakha Law, Hindu Law and Sharia Law.
Is personal law a valid source of law under the constitution?
Answer: No.
Legal Basis: Constitution of Ireland.
Question 3: Is there a discrimination law that prohibits both direct and indirect discrimination against women?
This question assesses whether there is a statutory, codified non-discrimination law which is broad in scope, and binds the public and private sectors that explicitly covers both direct and indirect discrimination?
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: Equal Status Act, as amended, Sections 3(1)(c) and (2).
Question 4: Do women and men enjoy equal rights and access to hold public and political office (legislature, executive, judiciary)?
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: Constitution of Ireland Article 16-1-1; Article 18-2 A; and Article 12-4-1.
Question 5: Are there quotas for women (reserved seats) in, or quotas for women in candidate lists for, national parliament?
This question does not cover voluntary or recommended quotas or financial incentives. This question only assesses quotas for the lower house, such as a national or people's assembly.
a. Are there reserved seat quotas for women in national parliament?
Answer: No.
Legal Basis: No applicable provisions could be located.
b. Are there quotas for women in candidate lists in elections for national parliament?
Answer: No.
Legal Basis: No applicable provisions could be located.
Question 6: Do women and men have equal rights to confer citizenship to their spouses and their children?
Answer: Yes
Legal Basis: Irish Nationality and Citizenship Act, 1956 (Amended version of 2004) Article 15A-(1) and Article 7.
Question 7: Does the law establish a specialized independent body tasked with receiving complaints of discrimination based on gender (e.g. national human rights institution, women's commission, ombudsperson)?
This question looks at institutions that have been established in addition to courts but are state bodies with a constitutional and/or legislative mandate to protect and promote principles of equality. Although they are part of the state apparatus and funded by the state, they operate and function independently from the government.
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: The Workplace Relations Commission (WRC) is an independent, statutory body which was established under the Workplace Relations Act 2015, bringing together roles previously carried out by a number of different bodies. The WRC hears discrimination complaints under Ireland's equality laws. It deals with both employment and service /goods related claims. Gender discrimination claims also have the option of going to the Circuit Court.
Question 8: Is legal aid mandated in criminal matters?
Legal aid refers to legal advice, assistance and representation that is provided at no cost for persons without sufficient means or when the interests of justice so require.
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: Criminal Justice (Legal Aid) Act, Section 5.
Question 9: Is legal aid mandated in civil/family matters?
'Legal aid' refers to legal advice, assistance and representation that is provided at no cost for persons without sufficient means or when the interests of justice so require.
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: Civil Legal Aid Act, Section 27.
Question 10: Does a woman's testimony carry the same evidentiary weight in court as a man's?
This question covers the weight of women's evidentiary testimony in all court cases and does not include differences in testimony when executing contracts (i.e. marriage).
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: No restrictions could be located.
Question 11: Are there laws that explicitly require the production and/or dissemination of gender statistics?
Answer: No.
Legal Basis: No applicable provisions could be located.
Question 12: Are there sanctions for noncompliance with mandated candidate list quotas, or incentives for political parties to field women candidates in national parliamentary elections?
Are there sanctions for non-compliance with mandated quotas for women on candidate lists for national parliament?
Answer: No.
Legal Basis: No applicable provisions could be located.
Are there financial incentives for political parties to include women on candidate lists for national parliamentary elections?
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: Electoral (Amendment) (Political Funding) Act 2012, Section 42.
Questions under this section aim at collecting information on legal frameworks that address violence against women.
'Violence against women' is defined as any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life. "Gender-based violence", is violence that is directed against a woman because she is a woman or that affects women disproportionately. It includes acts that inflict physical, mental or sexual harm or suffering, threats of such acts, coercion and other deprivations of liberty.
'Domestic violence' is defined as a form of gender-based violence commonly directed against women, that occurs within the private sphere, generally between individuals who are related through blood or intimacy. Domestic violence may take on different forms, including physical, sexual, psychological, and economic violence.
Question 13: Is there legislation on domestic violence that includes physical violence?
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: Domestic Violence Act 1996, Section 1(1).
Question 14: Is there legislation on domestic violence that includes sexual violence?
Answer: No.
Legal Basis: No applicable provisions could be located.
Question 15: Is there legislation on domestic violence that includes psychological/emotional violence?
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: Domestic Violence Act 1996, Section 1(1).
Question 16: Is there legislation on domestic violence that includes financial/economic violence?
Answer: No.
Legal Basis: No applicable provisions could be located.
Question 17: Have provisions exempting perpetrators from facing charges for rape if the perpetrator marries the victim after the crime been removed, or never existed in legislation?
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: No applicable provisions could be located.
Question 18: Have provisions reducing penalties in cases of so called honour crimes been removed, or never existed in legislation?
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: No applicable provisions could be located.
Question 19: Are laws on rape based on lack of consent, without requiring proof of physical force or penetration?
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: Criminal Law (Rape) (Amendment) Act, 1990, Section 9; (Section 4 - (1); (Section 12).
Question 20: Does legislation explicitly criminalize marital rape or does legislation entitle a woman to file a complaint for rape against her husband or partner?
For the purposes of this question, the law explicitly criminalizes marital rape without qualifications when it provides, for example, that rape or sexual assault provisions apply irrespective of the nature of the relationship between the perpetrator and the victim, by stating that no marriage or other relationship shall constitute a defence to a charge of rape or sexual assault under the legislation, or by explicitly covering spouses as a potential offender of the crime.
a. Does legislation explicitly criminalize marital rape?
Answer: No.
Legal Basis: No applicable provisions could be located.
b. Does legislation entitle a woman to file a complaint for rape against her husband or partner?
Answer: No.
Legal Basis: Criminal Law (Rape) (Amendment) Act, 1990, Article 5(2).
Question 21: Is there legislation that specifically addresses sexual harassment?
This question is meant to capture whether there is a law that includes specific provisions on sexual harassment.
'Sexual harassment' is defined as unwelcome sexual advance, request for sexual favour, verbal or physical conduct or gesture of a sexual nature, or any other behaviour of a sexual nature that might reasonably be expected or be perceived to cause offence or humiliation to another. Sexual harassment may occur when it interferes with work, is made a condition of employment or creates an intimidating, hostile or offensive work environment. It may also occur outside the workplace, in public and private spaces and institutions, such as eve teasing, verbal harassment and street harassment.
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: Employment Equality Act 1998 (as amended), Section 14A, Equal Status Act 2000 (as amended), Section 11.
Question 22: Are there budgetary commitments provided for by government entities for the implementation of legislation addressing violence against women by creating an obligation on government to provide budget or allocation of funding for the implementation of relevant programmes or activities?
Question 23: Are there budgetary commitments provided for by government entities for the implementation of legislation addressing violence against women by allocating a specific budget, funding and/or incentives to support non-governmental organizations for activities to address violence against women?
Question 24: Is there a national action plan or policy to address violence against women that is overseen by a national mechanism with the mandate to monitor and review implementation?
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: 'Zero Tolerance' 3rd National Strategy on Domestic, Sexual and Gender-Based Violence 2022-2026; Cuan is a statutory agency under the remit of the Department of Justice dedicated to tackling and reducing Domestic, Sexual and Gender-Based Violence.
Questions under this section aim at collecting information on existing legal frameworks on non-discrimination on the basis of sex in different aspects of employment, and in the area of economic benefits, such as maternity, paternity, and parental leave and childcare. Please note that these questions do not cover public sector legal frameworks or employment. This section captures legal frameworks applicable to employees in the private sector only.
Question 25: Does the law mandate non-discrimination on the basis of gender in employment?
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: Employment Equality Act 1998, Sections 2, 6 and 8.
Question 26: Does the law mandate equal remuneration for work of equal value?
'Remuneration' refers to the ordinary, basic or minimum wage or salary and any additional emoluments payable directly or indirectly, whether in cash or in kind, by the employer to the worker and arising out of the worker's employment.
'Work of equal value' refers not only to the same or similar jobs but also to different jobs of the same value.
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: Employment Equality Act 1998, Section 19.
Question 27: Can women work in jobs deemed hazardous, arduous or morally inappropriate in the same way as men?
This question is designed to determine if there are specific jobs that women explicitly or implicitly are restricted from performing except in limited circumstances. Both partial and full restrictions on women's work are counted as restrictions. For example, if women are only allowed to work in certain jobs within the mining industry, e.g. as health care professionals in mines but not as miners, this is a restriction. Explicit restrictions on women doing certain jobs, such as mining, are examined, as are implicit restrictions stating that women cannot work in jobs deemed morally or socially inappropriate. Where the law indicates that a given ministry or minister may promulgate regulations restricting women's work in particular industries, this is considered a restriction even if no such regulation has been issued.
a. Can women work in jobs deemed hazardous in the same way as men?
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: No restrictions could be located.
b. Can women work in jobs deemed arduous in the same way as men?
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: No restrictions could be located.
c. Can women work in jobs deemed morally inappropriate in the same way as men?
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: No restrictions could be located.
Question 28: Are women able to work in the same industries as men?
This question is designed to determine if there are specific jobs that women explicitly or implicitly are restricted from performing except in limited circumstances. Both partial and full restrictions on women's work are counted as restrictions. For example, if women are only allowed to work in certain jobs within the mining industry, e.g. as health care professionals in mines but not as miners, this is a restriction. Explicit restrictions on women doing certain jobs, such as mining, are examined, as are implicit restrictions stating that women cannot work in jobs deemed morally or socially inappropriate. Where the law indicates that a given ministry or minister may promulgate regulations restricting women's work in particular industries, this is considered a restriction even if no such regulation has been issued.
a. Can women work in agriculture in the same way as men?
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: No restrictions could be located.
b. Can women work in construction in the same way as men?
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: No restrictions could be located.
c. Can women work in energy in the same way as men?
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: No restrictions could be located.
d. Can women work in factories in the same way as men?
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: No restrictions could be located.
e. Can women work in transportation in the same way as men?
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: No restrictions could be located.
f. Can women work in mining in the same way as men?
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: No restrictions could be located.
g. Can women work in the water sector in the same way as men?
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: No restrictions could be located.
Question 29: Are women able to perform the same tasks at work as men?
This question is designed to determine if there are specific jobs that women explicitly or implicitly are restricted from performing except in limited circumstances. Both partial and full restrictions on women's work are counted as restrictions. For example, if women are only allowed to work in certain jobs within the mining industry, e.g. as health care professionals in mines but not as miners, this is a restriction. Explicit restrictions on women doing certain jobs, such as mining, are examined, as are implicit restrictions stating that women cannot work in jobs deemed morally or socially inappropriate. Where the law indicates that a given ministry or minister may promulgate regulations restricting women's work in particular industries, this is considered a restriction even if no such regulation has been issue.
a. Can women engage in jobs requiring lifting weights above a threshold in the same way as men?
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: No restrictions could be located.
b. Can women work in metalworking in the same way as men?
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: No restrictions could be located.
c. Can women do the same job-related tasks as men?
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: No restrictions could be located.
Question 30: Does the law allow women to work the same night hours as men?
This question is designed to determine whether nonpregnant and non-nursing women are prohibited from working at night or cannot work the same night hours as men. Where the law indicates that a given ministry or minister may promulgate regulations restricting women's work at night, this is considered a restriction even if no such regulation has been issued.
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: No restrictions could be located.
Question 31: Does the law provide for maternity or parental leave available to mothers in accordance with the ILO standards?
'ILO Standard' is 14 weeks (or 98 days) of maternity leave and at least 2/3 of her previous earnings. This question refers to the total percentage of wages covered by all sources during paid maternity or parental leave available to mothers. When different percentages of wages are paid at different stages of maternity leave, a weighted average is calculated. Allowances for a fixed number of days per year applied to family emergencies or child-related responsibilities are not considered parental leave. This question covers the private sector only. Employees in the public sector may receive additional benefits.
a. Is the length of paid maternity leave more than 14 weeks or 98 days?
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: Maternity Protection (Amendment) Act 2004, Sections 4 and 5.
b. Is the length of paid parental leave available to mothers more than 14 weeks or 98 days?
Answer: No.
Legal Basis: No applicable provisions could be located.
c. Is the percentage of wages paid during maternity leave at least 2/3 of previous earnings?
Answer: No.
Legal Basis: Social Welfare and Pensions Act 2013.
d. Is the percentage of wages paid to mothers during parental leave at least 2/3 of previous earnings?
Answer: No.
Legal Basis: No applicable provisions could be located.
Question 32: Does the law provide for paid paternity or parental leave available to fathers or partners?
Provisions for circumstantial leave in which an employee is entitled to a certain number of days of paid or unpaid leave (usually fewer than 5 days) upon the birth of a child are considered paternity leave; even if the law is gender-neutral, such leave is not considered maternity leave as long as maternity leave is covered elsewhere by the law. This question does not include circumstances where paternity leave is deducted from annual leave or sick leave. Allowances for a fixed number of days per year applied to family emergencies or child-related responsibilities are not considered parental leave.
a. Is paid paternity leave available?
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: Paternity Leave and Benefit Act 2016, Section 6.
b. Is paid parental leave available to fathers or partners?
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: Section 5 of the Parent's Leave and Benefit Act 2019 (as amended) provides for 9 weeks paid parents leave for each relevant parent.
Question 33: Is there a public entity that can receive complaints on gender discrimination in employment?
This question is designed to determine whether the law establishes a public entity with the mandate to receive and investigate complaints on gender discrimination in employment.
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: The Workplace Relations Commission (WRC) is an independent, statutory body which was established under the Workplace Relations Act 2015, bringing together roles previously carried out by a number of different bodies. The WRC hears discrimination complaints under Ireland's equality laws. It deals with both employment and service /goods related claims. Gender discrimination claims also have the option of going to the Circuit Court.
Question 34: Is childcare publicly provided or subsidized?
Childcare may take such forms as kindergartens or crèches, preschools, or day care centres. This does not cover after-school, in-home care or informal child-minding arrangements. This question covers both early childhood care (usually 0-2 years old) and preschool services (usually 3-5 years old).
a. Is childcare publicly provided?
Answer: No.
Legal Basis: It is a private model subsidised by government.
b. Is childcare subsidized?
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: Childcare Support Act 2018.
Questions under this section aim at collecting information on the existing legal frameworks on different aspects related to marriage and family relations, including child marriage and equal rights of married and unmarried women and men in dealing with institutions.
Question 35: Is the minimum age of marriage at least 18 years, with no legal exceptions, for both women and men?
a. What is the minimum age of marriage for boys?
Answer: 18 years.
Legal Basis: Family Law Act (1995), Section 31(1)(a)(i).
b. What is the minimum age of marriage for girls?
Answer: 18 years.
Legal Basis: Family Law Act (1995), Section 31(1)(a)(i).
c. Are there any exceptions to the minimum age of marriage?
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: Family Law Act (1995), Section 33.
Question 36: Do women and men have equal rights to enter marriage (i.e. consent) and initiate divorce?
'Marriage' is defined in relation to the marriage laws or customs of a country. The concept here refers to legally or formally recognized union of partners that has been recognized and registered by a government official, a state, an organization, a religious authority, a tribal group, a local community or peers.
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: Constitution of Ireland - Article 41 (4); Family Law (Divorce) Act 1996 (Revised) - Section 5 (1).
Question 37: Do women and men have equal rights to be legal guardian of their children during and after marriage?
'Marriage' is defined in relation to the marriage laws or customs of a country. The concept here refers to legally or formally recognized union of partners that has been recognized and registered by a government official, a state, an organization, a religious authority, a tribal group, a local community or peers.
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: Guardianship of Infants Act 1964 - Section 6 (1); Family Law (Divorce Act 1996 (Revised) - Section 10 (2).
Question 38: Do women and men have equal rights to be recognized as head of household or head of family?
This question does not assess gender inequalities in the tax code.
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: No applicable provisions could be located.
Question 39: Do women and men have equal rights to choose where to live?
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: No restrictions could be located.
Question 40: Do women and men have equal rights to choose a profession?
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: No restrictions could be located.
Question 41: Do women and men have equal rights to obtain an identity card?
For this question the answer is "Yes" if there is no national identity card that is universally accepted based on an implemented national registration system that issues national ID cards.
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: No applicable provisions could be located.
Question 42: Do women and men have equal rights to apply for passports?
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: Passport application form, Passport application procedures.
Question 43: Do women and men have equal rights to own, access and control marital property including upon divorce?
The answer to this question is based on whether husbands and wives married under the default property regime have equal ownership rights over property.
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: Married Women's Status Act, Articles 2, 3 and 4.
Question 44: Is marriage under the legal age void or voidable?
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: Family Law Act (1995), Section 31(1)(a)(i).
Question 45: Are there dedicated and specialized family courts?
Answer: Yes.
Legal Basis: Family Law Act, Section 38.
SDG 5.2.1 Proportion of ever-partnered women and girls aged 15 years and older subjected to physical, sexual or psychological violence by a current or former intimate partner in the previous 12 months, by form of violence and by age.
The SDG indicators metadata repository provides the following definition in the SDG 5.2.1 metadata document:
This indicator measures the percentage of ever-partnered women and girls aged 15 years and older who have been subjected to physical, sexual, or psychological violence by a current or former intimate partner, in the previous 12 months.
While specific data is not available to meet the definition, indicative information on experiences of sexual violence are available from the CSO from two different sources:
Please note that due to the sensitive nature of the data being sourced, care must be taken when interpreting this data depending on the source used. Survey data required explicit questions to be asked of participants. For those who have not had experiences of sexual violence in their lifetime, it may generate unease, and for those who have experienced sexual violence, the topic may generate fear and distress. In addition, respondents who have experienced sexual violence may have their own coping mechanisms which can often lead to the minimisation of the experiences. True prevalence of sexual violence is difficult to identify but a survey, which depends on the cooperation of respondents to disclose, may be a close proxy to the true prevalence level if collected in a way that reduces the risk of underreporting, among other things. The CSO put in place many mechanisms to work toward reducing the risk of underreporting, in particular the use of self-completion when collecting the survey data (see background notes in the SVS publications for more details).
Administrative data is collected by agencies on an operational basis and depending on the nature of the data it may introduce biases in the types of experiences noted.
For sensitive data it may not be indicative of the true prevalence of the experience.
The CSO Sexual Violence Survey publications present results from the Sexual Violence Survey (SVS) which was conducted in 2022. The objective of the survey is to provide high quality national prevalence data on sexual violence in Ireland which will act as a new baseline for the levels of sexual violence in Ireland. The survey is proposed to be conducted again in 10 years’ time.
Information on definitions, methodology and results can be found in the CSO’s Sexual Violence Survey publications.
Data examining the lifetime occurrence of this type of violence are available from the CSO’s Sexual Violence Survey 2022 – Adult Experiences report in the Partner Experiences chapter.
Key findings for sexual violence experienced as an adult with a partner:
See Table 4.1 and Figure 4.1.
Data on the proportion of the population aged 18 years and older subjected to sexual violence by a current or former intimate partner in their lifetime by form of sexual violence are available and summary information here is from the CSO’s Sexual Violence Survey 2022 – Adult Experiences publication, specifically the Partner Experiences chapter.
Key findings for sexual violence experienced as an adult with a partner by the type of experience:
See Table 4.2 and Figure 4.2.
Summary information here is from the CSO’s Sexual Violence Survey 2022 - Adult Experiences publication, specifically the Overall Adult Experiences chapter.
Key findings for those who experienced sexual violence as an adult by whether it occurred in the last 12 months:
See Table 4.3.
The data in Relationship Between Victims and Reported Suspects for Sexual and Assault Offences publication is compiled exclusively from administrative records created and maintained by An Garda Síochána, Ireland’s National Police and Security Service, on their incident recording system Police Using Leading Systems Effectively (PULSE).
Official crime data in Ireland is expressed in terms of ‘crime incidents’ rather than offences and it should also be noted that more than one offence can arise from each crime incident. The primary crime offence rule is used in Ireland for crime counting for statistical purposes. While the number of victims will reflect the number who report this type of crime, the full breadth of violence experiences may not be fully represented in this data. For example, in an incident where physical violence and economic violence is identified, the incident will be categorised as the offence which will result in the most serious sanction which in that example is physical violence. This means the figures for crime incidents which may result in lesser sanctions will be underreported in this data.
Published figures may be subject to revision as underlying records are subject to update, review or revision by An Garda Síochána as investigations progress.
CSO crime statistics on recorded sexual and assault offences are provided here. No information is available on psychological violence.
The CSO Crime & Criminal Justice section published data on the nature of the relationship between the victim and reported suspect for recorded sexual and assault offences in their statistical release Relationship Between Victims and Reported Suspects for Sexual and Assault Offences, Q3 2021-Q3 2022. Extracts from this release are published in this section.
The data presented in this section (published February 2023) is based only on the view of the relationship between the victim and reported suspect as reported to An Garda Síochána (the Irish Police Service) by the victim and where such relationship was known. Therefore, it excluded instances where no reported suspect has yet been identified or where the nature of the relationship was not known. At the time, 77% of reported sexual offences and 76% of assault offences had a known relationship. Consequently, the crime incident volumes in each table will not accrue to the published volumes of recorded crime incidents for these crime categories. The data presented is not an account of detections.
For the purpose of this publication, the An Garda Síochána relationship classification reported 'suspect not known to the victim’ is referred to as ‘stranger’.
The crime category ‘assault offences’ relate to the category ‘Attempts/threats to murder, assaults, harassment and related offences’ in published statistics on Recorded Crime in Ireland.
The main findings from the Sexual Offences chapter are shown in the following section.
The reported suspect was known to just over eight in ten victims (83%) of all recorded victims of sexual offences between Q3 2021 and Q3 2022.
Just over one fifth (21%) of reported suspects of sexual offences were a friend or acquaintance of the victim while a further 17% were a stranger to the victim. In 16% of sexual offences the reported suspect was a blood relative while a partner or ex-partner accounted for 15% of reported suspects.
The reported suspect was a person in an authority or with care responsibilities for 13% of male victims of sexual offences compared with just 2% for females. In contrast, partners/ex-partners accounted for 18% of reported suspects for female victims of sexual offences compared with just 1% for males.
In other relationship types:
See Table 4.4 and Figure 4.3.
Table 4.5 shows that blood relatives were the reported suspect for 29% of sexual offences committed against victims under 18 years at the time of the incident. This compares to 2% or less for all other age groups.
Friends or acquaintances were the reported suspect for a fifth (20%) of all sexual offences for those aged under 18 years and this was somewhat similar for the other age groups. The highest share among the other age groups was in respect of victims aged 45 years and over (26%) and lowest (20%) for those aged 30-44 years.
Partners or ex-partners were the reported suspect for a higher share of sexual offences committed against those aged 30-44 years than in other age groups. Partners or ex-partners were the reported suspect for 40% of such offences against persons in the 30-44 age group compared with 18% for each of the age groups 18-29 years and those aged 45 years or over. In just 6% of sexual offences against persons under 18 years, the reported suspect was a partner or ex-partner.
Strangers were the reported suspect for a higher share of sexual offences against persons aged 18-29 years at the time of the incident than in other age groups. In three out of every ten (30%) sexual offences against persons aged 18-29 years the reported suspect was a stranger and nearly a quarter (24%) of victims aged 45 years or more. The share was less for victims aged 30-44 years (15%) and those under 18 years (10%).
See Table 4.5 and Figure 4.4.
When the reported suspect was a current partner or spouse, just under half (49%) of victims of sexual offences were aged 30-44 years at the time of the incident. This age group also accounted for just under a third (32%) of victims where a former partner or spouse was the reported suspect.
Nearly all (94%) of sexual offences where the reported suspect was a blood relative were against persons under 18 years at the time of the incident.
Among other relationship categories:
The crime incident reporting gap is the time between when a crime incident takes place and when it is reported to An Garda Síochána.
Blood relatives were the reported suspect for just under a third (32%) of all sexual offences reported more than a year after occurrence compared with just 6% of those reported within a year. By contrast, strangers were the reported suspect for over a quarter (26%) of sexual offences reported within a year of occurrence compared with just 3% of those reported thereafter.
The shares for sexual offences where the reported suspect was a partner and ex-partner was both quite similar – 14% were reported within a year of occurrence and 15% were reported after a year.
See Table 4.6 and Figure 4.5.
Nearly all (94%) of sexual offences where the reported suspect was a stranger to the victim were reported within a year of occurrence. A similar pattern was also observed where the reported suspect was a current partner or spouse (85%), colleague or work relationship (84%) and a friend or acquaintance (76%).
By contrast, when the reported suspect was a blood relative or other household member, sexual offences were much more likely to be reported more than a year after the crime incident occurred than earlier. Just over three out four (76%) sexual offences by a blood relative were reported more than a year after occurrence while the corresponding share for offences by other household members was almost seven out of every ten (68%).
The main findings from the Assault Offences chapter are shown in the following section.
Three out of every four (75%) reported suspects of assault offences between Q3 2021 and Q3 2022 were known to the victim.
Just over a fifth (22%) of reported suspects of assault offences were partners or ex-partners. Friends or acquaintances were the reported suspect for 14% of assault offences while the corresponding share for blood relatives was 13%.
Strangers were the reported suspect for 36% of assault crimes against males compared with just 12% for those against females. By contrast, partners or ex-partners were the reported suspect for nearly four in ten (39%) assaults against females compared with just 6% for males.
See Table 4.7 and Figure 4.6.
Findings in the report show:
Table 4.8 shows that blood relatives were the reported suspect for 30% of assaults committed against persons under 18 years when the offence occurred. This compares to 17% for those who were 45 years, 8% for the 18-29 years age group and 7% for those aged 30-44 years when the incident occurred.
Just over one fifth (21%) of assaults against victims under 18 years at the time of the incident involved a stranger to the victim as the reported suspect.
Strangers to the victim were also the reported suspect for a significant share of assaults on persons in the other age groups. Just under three in ten (29%) of offences against persons in the 18-29 years age group involved strangers as the reported suspect while the share was nearly a quarter in each of the 30-44 and 45 years and over age groups.
However, partners or ex-partners were more likely to have committed assaults against the older age groups than against persons under 18 years of age. Partners or ex-partners were the reported suspect for 30% of assaults against persons aged 30-44 years when the offence occurred and 24% of those against persons aged 18-29 years compared with just 2% of assaults against those under 18 years.
See Table 4.8 and Figure 4.7.
Further findings in the report show:
Table 4.9 shows that strangers were the reported suspects for a quarter (25%) of assault offences reported within a year of occurrence compared with just 4% of those reported after a year.
The reported suspect was a friend or acquaintance for a higher share also of those reported within a year rather than after a year. Just 7% of such assaults were reported more than a year after occurrence compared with 14% of those reported within a year.
By contrast, just over half (51%) of assaults reported more than a after occurrence involved partners or ex-partners as reported suspects compared with just under a fifth (21%) of those reported within a year. See Table 4.9 and Figure 4.8.
SDG 5.2.2 Proportion of women and girls aged 15 years and older subjected to sexual violence by persons other than an intimate partner in the previous 12 months, by age and place of occurrence.
The SDG indicators metadata repository provides the following definition in the SDG 5.2.2 metadata document:
This indicator measures the percentage of women and girls aged 15 years and older who have experienced sexual violence by persons other than an intimate partner, in the previous 12 months.
While specific data is not available to meet the definition, indicative information on these experiences of sexual violence are available from the CSO Sexual Violence Survey 2022.
Background information on the survey can be found under SDG indicator 5.2.1.
Data examining the lifetime occurrence of overall experience of sexual violence as an adult with a non-partner is available from the CSO’s Sexual Violence Survey 2022 - Adult Experiences report in the Non-Partner Experiences chapter.
Key findings for sexual violence experienced as an adult with a non-partner:
See Table 4.10 and Figure 4.9.
Summary information here is from the CSO’s Sexual Violence Survey 2022 – Adult Experiences report in the Overall Adult Experiences chapter.
Key finding for those who experienced sexual violence as an adult by whether it occurred in the last 12 months:
Further information can be found under SDG indicator 5.2.1 above.
While specific data is not available to meet the definition of the place of occurrence for those experiences in the last 12 months, indicative information on these experiences are available from the CSO Sexual Violence Survey 2022.
Summary information here is from the CSO’s Sexual Violence Survey 2022 - Adult Experiences report in the Non-Partner Experiences - Details chapter. Please note that people may have experienced multiple sexual violence experiences or with multiple perpetrators. In the case where the person experienced multiple sexual violence experiences, the person was asked to respond thinking about the experience that affected them most and to report the details for that particular experience.
Key findings for those who experienced sexual violence as an adult with a non-partner by the location of the experience are as follows:
See Table 4.11 and Figure 4.10.
Other relevant information includes information on the type of perpetrator of sexual violence and this data can be found in the CSO’s Sexual Violence Survey 2022 - Main Results, in the Perpetrator of Sexual Violence chapter.
Please note that people may have experienced multiple sexual violence experiences or with multiple perpetrators. In the case where the person experienced multiple sexual violence experiences, the person was asked to respond thinking about the experience that affected them most and to report the details for that particular experience.
Key findings for those who experienced sexual violence as an adult by the nature of the relationship with perpetrator, are as follows:
See Table 4.12 and Figure 4.11.
SDG 5.3.1 Proportion of women aged 20–24 years who were married or in a union before age 15 and before age 18 years - data published by CSO, Vital Statistics section show registered marriages in Ireland with exemptions to the legal minimum age for marriage.
The SDG indicators metadata repository gives the definition and information on SDG 5.3.1 in the metadata document:
Proportion of women aged 20-24 years who were married or in a union before age 15 and before age 18 years.
According to the Irish Statute Book the legal minimum age for marriage in Ireland is 18 years for both sexes. Section 31, 32 and 33 of the Family Law Act (1995) is the legislation governing marriages.
There are some exceptions to the minimum age of marriage under Family Law Act (1995), Section 33.
According to the CSO, Vital Statistics section two 16 year old female marriages were registered in 2019 and 2020. In the period 2021-2023 there were no recorded 16 year old female marriages. Only three 17-year old female marriages were recorded in 2023, none in 2022, and one in 2021. See Table 4.13.
SDG 5.3.2 Proportion of girls and women aged 15–49 years who have undergone female genital mutilation (FGM), by age – no data is available but indicative information on FGM is on the Health Service Executive website.
The SDG indicators metadata repository gives the definition and information on SDG 5.3.2 in the metadata document:
Proportion of girls and women aged 15-49 years who have undergone female genital mutilation - This indicator can be measured among smaller age groups, with the experience of younger women representing FGM that has occurred more recently and the experience of older women representing levels of the practice in the past. At the regional and global level, this indicator is currently being reported as the proportion of adolescent girls aged 15-19 years who have undergone female genital mutilation.
In Ireland Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) is illegal under the Criminal Justice (Female Genital Mutilation) Act 2012. The offence of FGM is covered under Section 2 of the Act. It is also an offence, covered under Section 3 of the Act, if a person removes or attempts to remove a girl or woman from the State where one of the purposes for the removal is to have an act of female genital mutilation done to her.
The following are extracts from the Health Executive Service website detailing information on female genital mutilation (FGM).
The Criminal Justice (Female Genital Mutilation) Act 2012 makes it a criminal offence to remove a girl from the state to mutilate her genitals.
For more information about FGM and the law, please check out this AkiDwA leaflet.
The 2015 European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE) Report suggests that the number of girls at risk of FGM in Ireland is between 158 (low-risk scenario) and 1,632 (high-risk scenario).
It is imperative that health and child protection professionals working in Ireland understand and respond to this issue.
Women and girls who have undergone this mutilation may present in various health-care settings.
The HSE National Social Inclusion Office was involved in the production and dissemination of the third edition of Female Genital Mutilation - Information for Healthcare Professionals Working in Ireland (PDF 455 KB).
Ongoing work in this area includes plans to:
It also includes plans to provide appropriate information to health professionals and members of communities in partnership with relevant community-led organisations.
The HSE support a Free FGM Treatment Service operating from the Everywoman Centre located in the Irish Family Planning Association (IFPA) in Dublin city centre. It offers free, specialised, medical, psychological, sexual and reproductive care and counselling to all women and girls in Ireland who have experienced FGM.
Learn about our data and confidentiality safeguards, and the steps we take to produce statistics that can be trusted by all.